Is the Jatiyo Party a pawn of the Indian state?

Growing up, I always had a keen interest in politics. When I finally started to settle as a young lawyer and a university lecturer, I wanted to bring my analysis of politics to some practical use. My choice of the Jatiyo Party was born of H. M. Ershad and G. M. Quader, being my father’s maternal uncles. My father was a professional soldier who was nowhere near politics up to his untimely death in the Pilkhana carnage. I thought that if I were to contribute to politics, this party would be a natural vehicle. Not only did it include several relatives, creating a familiar environment which would be helpful to a political debutant, but it also seemed like a party where the opportunity of refurbishment existed. 

I first expressed my interest to Quader – whom I address as “dadu” (grandfather) – in 2019. Knowing about my career, the co-chairman suggested that international affairs would be a good fit, and specifically recommended me for the vacant post of International Affairs Secretary (IAS). Upon submitting an application, he gave me the initial approval, followed by Ershad, the party chairman and parliamentary leader of the opposition, exercising the extraordinary powers granted by the controversial clause 20(1)(1)(Ka) of the party constitution, to appoint me. (The clause mentions that the party chairman, at his discretion, may create or abolish any post, make appointments or ensure the removal of anyone, and make any changes in the posts as he deems fit.) I joined with idealistic dreams of bringing the party to the right path.

After Ershad’s death in July 2019, a party council was held in December, right before the Covid-19 pandemic hit Bangladesh. Quader was elected the chairman, and my post as the IAS was cemented. Once social distancing regulations were eased, I started working for the party full-fledged in 2021. My job description mainly included the two tasks of reshuffling the committees of the Jatiyo Party in foreign countries, and maintaining liaison with the diplomatic missions in Bangladesh as the party’s representative.

According to the law, political parties in Bangladesh are barred from having foreign branches. Having representatives in groups – in the form of “committees” – has long been a practice for all major parties in contravention of the law, mainly due to donations that come from expatriates and immigrants. Quader was in need of someone trustworthy since, unbeknownst to him, many central party leaders who were close to Ershad had given the sign-off to committees in exchange for donations that never reached the party accounts. To address this during the reshuffle, I made sure to appoint those Quader consented to, took his signature for the party’s records, and maintained proper documentation. I ensured that the office had an additional file with the receipts and proof of payments that were made in favour of the party, from these committees. 

I was keenly aware of the nepotism that had resulted in my appointment, the technicality of a democratic rubber-stamp by virtue of the council’s approval notwithstanding. In fact, I had unfettered access to the party chairman at all times due to being his relative – which brought with it a degree of special attention from party members. Therefore, I dedicated my time and gave my best effort to create a positive impression and counter the feeling of favouritism. I did not want even one party member or the public to ever think that I was undeserving of the post.

In May 2022, I attended a dinner at the Pakistan High Commissioner’s residence in Dhaka. The invitation was mainly extended to academics, artists and members of civil society. Besides being an academic, my position in the party meant that my job entailed attending diplomatic occasions and ambassadors’ invitations. A photograph of me with the host – with whom I neither had nor have any special relationship or rapport – became an issue for the Indian state, as conveyed directly to the party chairman by a representative of the Indian High Commission in Dhaka. 

Just as I was beginning to be known within the party, particularly among the young leaders and activists for promoting transparency and accountability, I was informed by Quader that the political secretary of the Indian High Commission, Animesh – of the Indian Foreign Service (IFS) 2011 through UPSC, from what I gather – was upset about my photograph with the Pakistan High Commissioner. That Animesh would not be fond of a diplomat from Pakistan may be a given. However, how and why would an Indian diplomat make comments to a party’s chairman on the activities of its IAS? More importantly, to what extent should his comments be of any concern to Quader, or as a matter of fact, any Bangladeshi political party chairman?

There have long been whispers about the control India exerts on the Jatiyo Party and its chairman, including through periods when the party was the largest coalition partner to the autocratic Awami League, and the parliamentary opposition. Quader has refused to share the details of his interactions with representatives of the Indian state during trips to India – an opacity he has extended to members of his party and outsiders alike. Nevertheless, I was shocked to hear that Animesh’s intervention had caused Quader to lose sleep. A text that Animesh had sent to him – which Quader forwarded to me – read, “Sir, this has been seriously noted back home. Rest is your call. Regards.” Quader informed me that he had been asked, in no uncertain terms, to remove me. 

I was not only relieved from my duties as the IAS, but I was also wiped from the party’s IT system and website. My basic party membership was cancelled, and Quader made sure to remove my footprint. On the one hand, he asked me to steer clear of the diplomatic corps for some time, and promised me that I would be returned to the party fold after a temporary suspension, “once things calm down a bit.” On the other hand, a termination letter that I was told Animesh had been shown, to reassure him, never surfaced. The perceived Delhi’s “dalal” (agent) would not publicly own up to the reason for my termination. Hence, an Indian diplomat had had sight of the formal confirmation of my ouster from the party, but neither I nor the Bangladeshi public had. 

By mid-March 2023, a combination of shame and feeling like I was expending my time in pursuit of a thankless job, had seen me distance myself from the party. It was then, ten months after my removal, that Quader offered me the position of organising secretary. It was a largely ornamental role. Within 24 hours of the decision regarding my new appointment, I was told over a phone call that the appointment had been put on hold because the Indian High Commission still had objections about me. High-level meetings with the Indians were Quader’s preserve. During my short tenure, I had never attended nor known the details of one. Perhaps that might have given me an idea of why exactly Quader is an unquestioning Delhi loyalist. Faced with the immovable, invisible, indomitable hand of the Indian state, I declared my complete disassociation from the Jatiyo Party in April 2023, through a press release printed by The Daily Star. I have not returned to the party since, nor do I intend to. 

This confession is born of my need to set the record straight about myself. During my short political tenure, I pursued my job with diligence and honesty. I was wrongfully terminated, which I am now publicly declaring. This injustice is known to the party’s central leadership. Although I can point my finger at a few others who colluded with the Indian High Commission for my removal, the ultimate decision lay with Quader. He played the role of a stooge perfectly. Upon my termination, I realised that the party never really had an identity of its own. It was simply used by external forces – the Awami League and Delhi – to establish their agendas. While I hope that bringing the inner machinations of a significant political party and its chairman to light serves public interest, how the Bangladeshi people wish to view Quader and the Jatiyo Party after these revelations is completely up to them.●

Saquib Rahman is a political analyst, editor of Progress Magazine and senior lecturer in the department of law at North South University.